The purpose of the research is to conduct a critical study of Brazilian
development from the perspective of Marxist theory of dependence. The current context
of agri-export advancement as a decisive productive sector in the Brazilian economy
reinforces the logic of dependent subordination and underdevelopment of Brazil. We
have as object of study, therefore, to analyze the contradictions configured by the laws
of development of dependent capitalism before the consolidation of the role of the
Brazilian economy in the international division of labor, especially in the periods
between 2003 and 2018. Therefore, the study focused on the existing literature about the
history of Latin American capitalist development and the emergence of Marxist theory
of dependence and its foundations; in the analysis of the Latin-American political
scenarioyears and how it was configured until the first decades of the 21st century. As
an analytical tool of the Brazilian economic reality of the period studied we used the
main category referring to the cycle of capital in dependent economies that was
developed by the Marxist theory of dependence: the super exploitation of workforce.
The capital cycle in dependent economies today required an investigation, from data
collection, of the actions of foreign and national capital companies and the 

componentskey to the analytical treatment - the concentration of capital and
technological innovation of these companies and Thus, it was possible to verify the
category of super exploitation of workforce by comparing the data of the average
remuneration of the agrarian sector of certain regions where the production of grain
crops, the national minimum wage and the necessary minimum wage grow.

Globalization has been impacting national states in an asymmetric way, bringing more prosperity to some countries or more social inequalities. Latin America presents as a dual region: there are small portions of its citizens who enjoy the benefits promised by a global world, while the majority of its population is excluded. The contrast leads to a constant process of political, economic and social instability in the region, contributing to the Latin American diaspora. Its inhabitants head to the Global North in search of better living conditions, but also fleeing situations – engendered by globalization – of political, religious and ethnic-racial persecution or due to the fact that they belong to particular social groups, which can put them at risk their lives and that of their families. The preferred destination for these refugees is the United States, which provides a legal-administrative structure in its justice system to deliberate on requests for protection from those who claim to be suffering persecution in their home country. This research to analyze the meeting that is established between Latin Americans who are forced migrants with the American state apparatus. The thesis sought to analyze the interactive dynamics between the Latin American asylum seeker and the American justice system, as well as the transnational practices that result from this interaction. The intention is to contribute to the debate that seeks to problematize the centrality of the modern State in the international system of protection for political asylum seekers, in a context in which transnationalism presents itself as an agent that gives new meaning to the very condition of forced migrants in the scenario of contemporary globalization. The dynamics between forced migrants and the National State exposes the contradictions of the contemporary globalized world: the free movement of people across national borders consolidates transnational practices that confirm the promises of globalization. At the same time, globalization accentuates regional inequalities and contributes decisively to the intensification of political conflicts, pushing significant portions of individuals not covered by the promises of a globalized world to the Global North.

This research’s objective is to analyze the democratic process in Bolivia since the beginning of the 2000s, a period in which the country underwent a broad political transformation. The social movements that were at the forefront of the Gas War (2000) and the Water War (2003) managed to elect Evo Morales as the new president in 2005 and, in his government, Bolivia underwent institutional changes that promoted the insertion of historically excluded sectors in the policy-making process. Morales was re-elected in 2009, 2014 and 2019. The research question is: did the Bolivian democratic process go beyond the hegemonic conceptions of democracy? We understand that, although Bolivia has advanced in the process of political inclusion, especially during the Constituent Assembly (2006-2009) and when the new Political Constitution of the State (2009) was enacted, refounding the State, the democratic deepening occurred only in the first Morales government (2006-2010). After this period, the intensification of tensions and the political crisis that culminated in a coup d’état in 2019 marked the loss of alliances between the MAS-IPSP and the restriction of the capacity for dialogue between the party and the population.

Today, the world is experiencing the greatest migration crisis after World War II. The diaspora of Venezuelans is caused by the serious humanitarian crisis in which Venezuela is immersed in contemporary times. Within this context, we interpret the current diaspora through the case of Venezuelan health professionals who, when crossing borders to Brazil, are faced with a country bathed by economic and political crises and corporatist and bureaucratic practices make the process of recognition of their diplomas difficult. to work in the training profession. The objective of these professionals is to integrate themselves into the job market in the health area. Although practices that are hostile to qualified migrants prevent this from happening, new unregulated work alternatives in the health area have found the way for these Venezuelan professionals, as was the case of the company MV Sistemas, who, upon learning that there were qualified migrants from Venezuela among the welcomed in the state of Roraima, carried out a selection process with the aim of hiring Venezuelan professionals in non-regulated positions and “welcoming” them into the health job market. We had as a general objective to analyze the migration of Venezuelan health professionals to Brazil in order to interpret their integration process in the Brazilian labor market through unregulated means in related areas and activities. As specific objectives, we seek to reveal challenges present in the integration of qualified Venezuelan migrants to Brazil; identify which human capital resources enable the integration of Venezuelan migrants qualified in the health area into the labor market in Brazil and describe how the integration of Venezuelan health workers is taking place in the health management company that welcomed them. To achieve these goals, two theories were fundamental to interpret the case, the integration process of Ager and Strang and another on human capital and its resources through the studies of Ployhart et al. As the main research methodology, the simple case study was chosen because it is a research aimed at analyzing the integration of this human capital into a corporate market that is hostile to professionals graduated abroad. Our efforts have shown that hiring through non-regulated jobs can lead to the integration of the skilled migrant into the lost stability, the healthcare job market, and that fluency in Spanish and prior knowledge of the area are important assets that add value to migrant as an employee of the health area in the country of destination. In the same sense that integration into the labor market is possible, typical practices of corporatist capitalism devalue the work carried out by the Venezuelan professional, such as unfair remuneration. The integration of the Venezuelan health professional into the Brazilian labor market is achieved, but we reflect on how the receiving country needs to value more the human capital that qualified migrants bring with them, remunerating them fairly if hired through different means unregulated and encouraging the government to abolish bureaucratic practices to recognize the official documents of migrants, giving them the right to carry out their former jobs in the country of destination.

This research aims to elucidate the meanings and senses of
the military values of patriotism and discipline embedded in the militarized schools of
the Federal District, with the purpose of investigating the influences of these values on
the formation of students. In order to better understand the roots of these meanings and
senses, the insertion of these military values in Brazilian schools during the dictatorial
period of '64 was investigated. The quantitative method was used solely to measure the
expansion of school militarization in the Federal District and the impact of this policy.
Overall, the research was developed through the use of the inductive method, with an
exploratory and qualitative analysis of the documents from militarized schools in the
Federal District, a review of the literature, as well as a study of the Brazilian
Constitution and the statutes of military corporations in order to better grasp the
meanings and senses of military values. The prominence of patriotism and disciplinewas observed among the military values during the dictatorial period and in the
militarized schools of the Federal District. The patriotism of militarized schools,
influenced by their historical roots, assumes the meaning of standardized and
homogeneous collectivism, as well as devotion to a homeland with a hegemonic social
order. Discipline evokes a sense of obedience and submission to the law and hegemonic
order, much like in the dictatorial period. Both in current militarized schools and in
schools during the dictatorial period, patriotism and discipline stifle the diversity of
non-hegemonic subjective expressions, thus being racist, homophobic, and elitist.

The purpose of the present research is to reflect on the daily lives of Brazilian and Argentinean women mothers in times of pandemic, especially on their relationships of caring for their children and forms of work (domestic and paid), as well as on the crossings of such a situation in your mental health. Making use of life history methodologies and comparative studies, this dissertation will analyze the daily lives of women who were able to and do social isolation during the most critical phase of the pandemic in both countries, looking more closely at their uses of time and space. undertaken, public policies specifically designed for caregivers at that time and for the State management of the pandemic in both societies. With this focus, the research starts from data collected remotely in 2020 and updates the debate based on what these women and countries have also experienced in the last two years. In this sense, it is a dissertation that works with the qualitative and quantitative dimension, through data collected through a digital form, but also through interviews with some of these women; while exploring the political dimension of the handling of the pandemic in Brazil and Argentina, comparing their marked difference and impacts on the social lives of people in these two places. In initial results, we can observe the feelings present in the daily lives of the interlocutors at the beginning of the pandemic, linked to care, domestic and reproductive work and how they can have a negative impact on their mental and physical health, since the social isolation meant that these women did not lose contact with their care network.

Due to the rise of the extreme right observed in Europe (ANTÓN-MELLÓN; HERNÁNDEZ-CARR, 2016; IGNAZI, 2013) and in Latin America - plus neo-coups (ESTRADA, 2019). The extreme right mainly expressed conservative and nationalist discourses (MORAES, 2019), authoritarian to consensus, against minorities and human rights (GALLOIS; SOUZA MOTA; AUGUSTO LIRA NASCIMENTO, 2020). In line with this discourse, Jair Bolsonaro, on several occasions, came to defend the military dictatorship (1964-1985). In general, some authors indicate a conjuncture of political discontent, economic dissatisfaction, the influence of social networks in the media and the presence of fake news in elections. Above all, there is a relationship between the democratic collapse due to the rise of the extreme right (RUNCIMAN, 2018; CASTELLS, 2018; LEVITSKY E ZIBLATT, 2018; MOUNK, 2019). In this sense, the main objective of the research is, based on the characteristics — observed in European countries and the United States — that resulted in the rise of the extreme right — and added others due to Latin American specificities —, to analyze the conception of democracy for the Brazilian extreme right through the official speeches of President Jair Bolsonaro (BARDIN, 1977; FAIRCLOUGH, 1992).

This research addresses the female Venezuelan migration, considering the macropolitical scenario of the migration industry and the neoliberal globalization in Latin America. Through the intersectional gender perspective and the relevance of social capital, this study focuses on the experiences of Venezuelan migrant women residing in Porto Alegre, with the general objective of identifying how they build solidarity networks, based on individual and collective action, to restructure their lives in that destination location. Furthermore, we inquired about the patterns of experiences with the humanitarian assistance network, and sought to investigate the construction of solidarity and its network based on common experiences, values and beliefs and objectives. To this end, qualitative methodology was used, using in-depth interview and focus group techniques, whose universes were examined through thematic content analysis. The research allows us to advance the understanding of the relationship with the humanitarian assistance network, which is built from its instrumentalization with the aim of meeting the needs of family groups, being strongly associated with the position of these women in the care chains. The narratives allowed us to infer a degree of disorientation and, at times, a clear lack of awareness about possible macropolitical aspects causing the migratory situation experienced. At the same time, a weakening of the relationship between belonging and self-esteem was observed, especially related to work and, consequently, with the intended restructuring process, which is indicated as one of the standard expressions of Latin-American female migration and its inherent repetition of vulnerability.

In this work, we crafted an assessment of the implementation of Emergency Policies during the Covid-19 pandemic – Emergency Aid and Temporary Minimum Income – for women in the Federal District using critical argumentative dimensions of an axiological nature. We defined the research question: What values influenced the implementation of emergency programs — Auxílio Brasil and Renda Mínima Temporária — for women in the Federal District during the Covid-19 pandemic? We appropriate axiological evaluation as a research methodology. The theoretical framework was built under the concepts of intersectionality, crisis of neoliberalism, public problem and exceptionality. Five semi-structured interviews were carried out with Emergency Aid beneficiaries, a specialist in Public Policies and the former benefits coordinator of the Ministry of Citizenship. We concluded that the Programs analyzed were important for the composition of family income and reducing food insecurity, but implementation flaws, discontinuity of measures, difficult access and little consideration of pre-existing social inequalities of race, class and gender were identified. This work contributes to the field of evaluation and critical studies of public policies and the fight against inequalities among women.

The main aim of this research was to identify and characterise the tertiary prevention public policies in Brazil designed to assist adolescents and youth after having undergone a socio-educational measure, and how these policies are structured to promote the guarantee of rights, social protection and crime prevention for young people. The main focus was on the trajectories of youths assisted by these services, seeking to understand the meanings attributed to the experience of social reintegration, their needs and life projects, in dialogue with these policies. This is a study with a qualitative approach and comparative analysis, using different methodological tools: documentary research, bibliographical analysis, field research and semi-structured interviews. Six professionals and fourteen young people aged between 18 and 24 from the Se Liga and Novas Oportunidades programmes in the states of Minas Gerais and Pernambuco, respectively, were interviewed. The survey pointed to an increase in the implementation of public policies on this issue in recent years in Brazil, but experiences vary between states in terms of structure and form of implementation, objectives and methodologies adopted, there are no national guidelines, and the services offered are still scarce and insufficient. The youth interviewed indicated that they receive significant support through participation in these programmes, but their return to life in society is marked by ambiguities between expectations and real opportunities to realise their life projects, and they remain in situations of vulnerability, stigma and social risk, in an unequal and discriminatory socio-economic context. Within the context of the development of policies, we analysed, based on the life experiences of young people and in dialogue with the existing literature, the possibilities for the social promotion of young people after a socio-educational measure, how socio-community support networks are built, access to and permanence in public services, and what are the empowering experiences for the realisation of their life projects.

The theme of the thesis is the Human Right to Food ("HRtF") of indigenous peoples. Considering the mismatch of perceptions and understandings on the subject between state agents and indigenous peoples, as well as the protagonism that indigenous women have become in the discussion of public policies on food security and nutrition, two questions guided the research: What do indigenous women understand by Food Security and Nutrition ("FNS") and Food Sovereignty ("FSA")? How is their understanding close to or distant from the concepts established by National States and the United Nations? For comparison, I chose as my unit of analysis the Mbya Guarani people, who live in a territory divided between Brazil, Argentina, Paraguay, and Bolivia. The comparison was restricted to the first two countries. The hypothesis, which was proven, is that the central concepts are not the "HRtF", "FSN" or "FSA", but the recognition by the state of extensions of land that guarantee physical and cultural reproduction according to the Guarani way of being, doing and living. In other words, the collective right to a territory. The central objective was to demonstrate how the Mbya Guarani, in Brazil and Argentina, understand, experience and seek to realize the "FSN" and the "FSA" according to the Guarani way of being, knowing, doing and living. The research was based on authors from different areas of knowledge that are affiliated with the questioning paradigm of the coloniality of power; the collaborative methodology was used - as much as possible, in view of the Covid-19 pandemic -, which values other knowledge and other ways of circulating it, as well as the comparison method. The thesis is woven from different voices, bodies, and narratives in order to construct a history that is as comprehensive as possible of the specificities of the Mbya Guarani people, who do not accept the borders arbitrarily erected by National States. Structured in five chapters, Chapter 1 shows the divergences between National States, the United Nations, and their agencies with indigenous peoples - especially the Mbya Guarani people - in the way of understanding and operating the Human Right to Adequate Food and Nutrition ("HRtAFN") and FNS. Chapter 2 presents the Mbya cosmovision about territory (Yvyrupa), the village (tekoa), seeds, and food. Chapter 3 analyzes the relationship between the Mbya and the Brazilian and Argentinean states, characterized by a non-existent horizontal dialogue and the distant realization of food autonomy/sovereignty. Chapter 4 is constructed by feminines bodies and voices, academic and/or indigenous, revealing the preponderant role of the Mbya Guarani women in domestic and public spaces within the village, but also outside the village/tekoa. Chapter 5, Resisting to Exist, presents the autonomous initiatives, by Mbya women, with the partnership of men and other actors, from outside the villages/tekoa. In the movement of walking; exchanging seeds, knowledge, and flavors, the Mbya go on building other worlds in order to continue existing as a people. The conclusion, finally, reviews and highlights the similarities and differences in Argentina and Brazil with respect to the institutionalization of FNS; the relationship of the State with the Indigenous/Original Peoples; as well as the mobilization and practices of re-existence of the Mbya as a people.

I analyze in comparative perspective the political agendas of indigenous women's movements in Brazil and Bolivia. The political agenda translates into the dynamics of prioritizing social problems that, from the collective point of view, stimulate mobilization and articulation aiming at changes. Studying political agendas allow me to understand the dynamics of collective action to overcome the various forms of violence against the bodies-territory of indigenous Brazilian and Bolivian women and their legitimation as political subjects. I used decolonial feminist theories, concepts, and methodologies that emphasize horizontality in the construction of knowledge. The analysis resumes the appropriation of the concepts of body-territory, taming, epistemic emancipation, gender, ethnicity and coloniality by the indigenous intellectual women of these countries. Methodologically, I adopted the comparative perspective and discursive textual analysis (DTA). The research corpus was composed of 20 documentary sources covering the temporal scope from 2017 to 2020 and participant observation of 13 face-to-face and online events held by indigenous women from both countries in 2019 and 2020. The comparison turned to four recurring themes in the analysis of these documentary sources: i) conception of violations from the body-territory conscience; ii) fabric of resistance networks; iii) epistemic emancipation and rewriting of history and iv) taming of public political spaces. Highlighting indigenous women as political subjects in the fight for specific gender demands is recognizing that the defense of the emancipation of territorial-bodies cannot be dissociated from the resistance of land-territories. Collective reflections on the racist and colonial character of history allow them to work on valuing the ancestry of indigenous women of their peoples, an aspect historically silenced. In this rethinking and rewriting of the past, based on the ideals of active memory and large memory, they act together from the practice of taming political spaces, revealing other ways of being, doing and acting in the world that are not from the notorious perspective of white masculinity.

This work performs a comparative analysis of the transitional contexts, after the dictatorial regimes of the second half of the 20th century, in Argentina, Brazil and Uruguay, in order to understand the phenomenon that has been named as the Unleashing of Human Rights Practices. Initially, a bibliographic review was carried out on Transitional Justice and its implementation mechanisms, as well as on democratic transition and its consolidation. Memory and truth were defined and chosen as the axis of analysis for the cases. Based on this, the National Security Doctrine and National Security Legality were included in the analysis of the past, allowing us to apprehend the subsequent context of the institution of truth commissions in different historical moments of the transition of each country. The reports produced by these were detailed based on the contextual contingencies of each country. Then, these documents were collated considering five elements: in terms of object (investigated crimes); the objectives and purposes; number of victims identified; the identification of those responsible; and the recommendations. A behavioural pattern was measured that guides state and social practices either towards a more progressive or conservative agenda. To understand this phenomenon, the National Security Doctrine was analysed as an initial practice for an agenda completely contrary to the policies of promotion and protection of Human Rights. Then, a pattern of stages between “impunity” and “memory policies” was perceived in the three countries and their possible explanations and the mechanisms used to overcome the traumatic past. These elements were listed in order to interpret the Unleash of Human Rights Practices as a set of global actions and reactions. The discussion of this theme makes it possible to think in an interdisciplinary way about the principles for building a fair society that has Human Rights as a guiding principle.

This Master’s dissertation aims to examine political and artistic practices focusing on the subject of the socialist revolution in the politically committed music of the Chilean New Song movement during the 1960s and 1970s. Our chief goal is to analyze the relationship between art and politics in the praxis of the main figures of this musical movement. We examine this movement and its musical productions taking into account the context in which it evolved, especially its political commitment to the Chilean socialist experience that led to the Popular Unity Government, and its connections with other revolutionary projects and articulations of the Latin American Left. To this purpose, we will first seek to identify the constitutive peculiarities of the movement and analyze it historically, culturally, and politically in order to understand its relationship with the Chilean political experience and its regional political and artistic ties. We will then look for meanings, concepts and values built around revolutionary art, seen as a cultural politics, and reflect on the relationship between art and politics. Specifically in terms of this musical experience we here underpin its role as a conduit for narrative discussion, as social pedagogy and affective mobilization. Lastly, on the basis of the prior reflection on art and politics, we analyze the different political and artistic practices of these singer- songwriters in their participation in the Chilean revolutionary process, whilst also highlighting the internal tensions involving political positions, and the levels of radicality in this praxis.

In the span of six years (2014-2020), the Venezuelan economy has shrunk to about a quarter of the size it once had, forcing the migration of nearly a fifth of the country's population. Identifying the main factors that contribute to explain this economic and social setback was what motivated this research. In order to define the object, we chose to analyze the Venezuelan crisis from the perspective of the agro-food system, first, because food is the most basic of human needs. Second, because the country's oil-rental economic structure atrophied the primary sector, forcing Venezuela, at the turn of the 20th to the 21st century, to import around 70% of the food consumed. Third, because the so-called Bolivarian Revolution adopted the Food Sovereignty project – as defended by Via Campesina at the international level – as a matter of National Security and the survival of the political process itself due to its revolutionary and anti-imperialist character. Based on this research trajectory, it is argued that the maintenance of the dependent and oil-rental structure of the Venezuelan economy, the need to maintain a solid social base of support, price and exchange controls, among other factors, made the advance unfeasible of Food Sovereignty during the Chávez administrations. In the same sense, the fall in international oil prices, added to the economic blockade, made it impossible to maintain food subsidies, investments in the agro-food sector and the high volume of imports. The shortage of dollars to import groceries and the harsh international embargo forced national food production to resume growth, which was accompanied by trade liberalization promoted by the government of Nicolás Maduro.

This thesis proposes to discuss the dynamics of ideological openness of Latin American democracy, contextualized by the growth of the political right in the region. In this sense, the research sought to answer whether hegemony restricts the ideological scope of typical right- wing content in Latin American liberal democracy. From the choice of the cases of Chile and Brazil and the previous construction of analytical categories, the methodological technique of discourse analysis was used to analyze all the government plans of the representatives of the most voted right in the presidential elections of both countries, from 1989 to 2018. Empirical analysis pointed out that neoliberalism underpins and drives all right-wing government programs, and that this ideology is not only expressed in the economic field, but also in the social sphere. Thus, it was concluded that Latin American liberal democracy, under the effects of hegemony, does not impose limits on the ideological contents characteristic of the right. On the contrary, democracy favors, in a political-electoral dispute, the neoliberal contents, typical of the right, which are located in the center of the hegemonic spectrum of Latin America. Furthermore, there was a predominance of proposals based on the evocation of values (linked to neoliberalism) around individualism, entrepreneurship, meritocracy and competition as social rationality, and the option for the preponderance of agendas based on the maintenance of the law and of public order. In addition, it was inferred that Latin American democracy is open to accepting ideological content linked to the extreme right, without establishing restrictions that make it impossible to participate, at the same level of equality with the other proposals, in a given electoral suffrage. On the other hand, it was found that the Latin American right, even anchored under neoliberal postulates, presents contents of a social nature, typical of the left, related to the expansion of the welfare state and the distribution of income, to face to the negative effects caused by neoliberalism in the social sphere, in order to minimize, avoid and extinguish claims, conflicts, revolts and ruptures in the social sphere, and provide the respective status quo.