A broad debate on the moral and intellectual capacities of women broke out in Europe at the end of the Middle Ages. The Querelle des femmes calls into question the relative superiority or inferiority of the sexes and is the central theme of this research. Na example of how the quarrel took place outside the European context can be seen in the controversy involving two famous figures of colonial Mexico:Juana Inés de la Cruz (1648-1695) and Father Antonio Vieira (1608-1697). This famous controversy began after the publication of a text written by Juana Inés in which she criticized a sermon given by Father Antônio Vieira. The text inflamed a conflict that took place in the religious pulpit and was caused by a power struggle between clerical authorities who dominated the intellectual scene in New Spain. From this perspective, this research intends to analyze two texts that highlight the Querelle des Femmes: the Respuesta a Sor Filotea de la Cruz (1692), by Juana Inés, in which she presents a list of intellectual women to declare their right to write, and the Apologia a favor do Reverendo P. Antônio Vieyra da Companhia de Jesus da Província de Portugal (1727), written by a cleric in Portugal in defense of Antônio Vieira. In addition, considering the subject of sexual politics, we intend to reflect on how Juana articulates a conscience in a tradition of feminist debates and inserts herself into the intellectual discourses of her time, demonstrating the fragility of the power of the hegemonic ecclesiastical elites of New Spain.

This dissertation has as a theme the analysis of the short stories "Singular Ocorrência", "Noite de Almirante" e "Capítulo dos chapéus" written by Machado de Assis in their original periodical publication. The objective of the dissertation is to execute a research upon vestiges which may have fertilized the creation of women so dissident over the ones found on the official sources, based on the evidences found within the analysys. The women portrayed by Machado de Assis are represented by Marocas, Marina, Sofia, Ignacia e Genoveva, each one of them provided with their own singularity, yet still united by the disparities regarding the social norms expected from the 19th century women. His stories have the characteristic of presenting male narrations. The analysis started with a detailed survey of the “Singular Ocorrência” short story, where we examined the dynamic between the characters Marocas and Genoveva, accentuating the way in which the author develops their characteristics and relationships. Thereafter, we discuss the narrative focused on the hat in "Capítulo dos chapéus" and how it reveals the social and gender complexities of the period. And, at last, in the short story “Noite de Almirante”, Genoveva returns to the spotlight as a way to illustrate that the women depicted by Machado de Assis assumed the responsibility for respecting their choices and desires despite how they were seen. The vestiges presented by the analysis lead upon incidences inside the "A Estação e Gazeta de Notícias" periodicals, of tangible facts which connected themselves with the stories.

This dissertation investigates the cosmopolitics of the Yawalapiti indigenous people, a historical analysis of the political organization of the Upper Xingu. To perform this analysis, the oral history methodology was used. Interviews were collected among the Yawalapíti and, based on their individual and collective memories, it is possible to understand how the culture and tradition of this people guide their political actions. The present research seeks to answer who are the Yawalapíti, what is the context of the Xingu Indigenous Land, as an ethnopolitical territory. Going through the social history and socio-cultural organization of the Yawalapíti people, through their sacred rituals, their social rules, the spirituality and ancestral customs of the people. Finally, we analyze the political history of the present time, portrayed in the current political context of the people.

The aim of this dissertation is to explain the process of wood production in the Lower Amazon river during the second half of the 18th century and the beginning of the 19th century, highlighting the indispensable role of indigenous work and knowledge in all stages of this process, which involved the recognition, extraction, logging and transportation of this raw material in the interior of Grão-Pará and between that State and Lisbon. In the wake of the theoretical framework of Amazonian history and the new indigenous history, this work is fundamentally dedicated to understanding how the extraction of different species of wood took place, its main purposes and the political environment in which production took place. It also intends to understand the impact that the systematic manufacture of wood had on the social conformations of colonial Grão-Pará, taking into account the labor employed and the importance that wood and its productives logics assumed in the domestic and foreign markets.

The purpose of this research is to examine the Superintendency of Development for the Northeast, SUDENE, as a mechanism for the development of Brazilian policy for the Northeast between 1959 and 1964, with economist Celso Furtado at its head. Seen as a problematic region, the idea of promoting it together with the state and federal governments and departments formed the Northeast Development Council CODENO internally in 1959 as the decision-making body for the program through a planned project. After it was set up and in the years that followed, SUDENE faced the threat of the Council's own internal interests and the participation of Brazilian politicians. It has also faced the intervention of the United States in setting up the Alliance for Progress program. In view of the unstable scenario of Brazilian politics, an examination of the records of the Concil’s meetings minutes and the newspapers Diário de Pernambuco and Jornal do Commercio located by PROCONDEL provides a basis for analyzing this process

Throughout the civil-military dictatorship in Brazil, the rights of indigenous communities

were continually disrespected. State policy, characterized by

disrespect and even open opposition to physical and cultural diversity, if

manifested itself through various forms of violence inflicted on these people. The goal

general objective of the work is to analyze the indigenous policy developed by FUNAI management,

during the years in which it was under the control of the civil-military dictatorship in Brazil,

considering the permanences and ruptures with the old forms of control of the people

indigenous people. The Krenak Prison was then created in 1967, a project institution, which came

consolidate a new form of indigenous policy, but which is influenced by other

periods, still bringing colonialism and assimilationism into their activities.

Indigenous people from various parts of the country began to serve sentences for two categories of

crimes: concrete crimes (provided for in the penal code); and subjective crimes (they hurt the

social moralism). Arrests also occurred to reprimand leaders

indigenous people, who stood against the political-economic attacks of the regime and who

they resisted the process of nationalization of their communities. So, the present thesis,

considered that the criminalization of indigenous people was used as an instrument

controlling and punitive, for the indigenous policy developed by FUNAI among the

1960s and 1980s.

Portuguese historiography on the Middle Ages often presents interpretations with political characteristics in which the centralizing royal project that developed at the end of this period stands out, culminating in the so-called Modern State, starting with the reign of King João II, the Perfect Prince. However, based on the proposals of the New Political History, it is possible to analyze the same period in a different way, against the backdrop of a society that was perceived as corporate. This approach will help us to better understand how the Perfect Prince ruled and whether his authority was, in fact, absolute and centralizing. Specifically, this study analyzes the political relations between the monarch and the council of Lisbon, using as its main source the letters sent by the king to the city council and the minutes of the Cortes.

The late eighteenth century was marked by a profound economic transformation for the richest farmers at Oeste paulista, Captaincy of São Paulo: if in the past they had an important role in the domestic supply of the colony, now, pushed by new governmental acts and also by a favorable international scenario, they finally became part of a more profitable sugar agriculture destined for export. Although these families quickly amassed enough wealth to sustain its mills and to purchase thousands of slaves, the high number of heirs could result, following inheritance laws, in the fragmentation of their property, directly impacting the social status recently achieved. In this context, working with sources such as local census, marriage registers, postmortem inventories and genealogies, this dissertation aims to discuss suitable weddings and testamentary strategies adopted during the rise of cane crops in the enriched vila of Itu, both having as its objective the best plan to maintain those families as members of the regional dominant class.

The Student Movement of the Federal Territory of Amapá is characterized by a history crossed by contradictions and complexities. Among these are the activities, during the military regime, of clandestine organizations and the main student body in the territory at the time, the União dos Estudantes dos Cursos Secundários do Amapá (UECSA). From the time frame of the Military Dictatorship, between the years 1964 and 1968, the objective of this dissertation is to investigate how the process of resistance to the military regime on the part of these organizations took place, including the UECSA, which despite having deliberate support to the coup, it was resisted within its own ranks. As a documentary basis, the survey published in 2017 of the Report of the State Commission for Truth of Amapá (CEV-AP), produced between the years 2013 and 2016, the unpublished file of the report, which includes the hearings and official documents that were provided by CEV-AP to carry out this research, in addition to personal records of collaborators of clandestine groups, public files and official documentation. Students in the Federal Territory of Amapá, for structural and cultural reasons, ended up having different reactions from the student movement in the rest of the country. They were actions in support of the military coup, with very restricted resistance cells.

This dissertation aims to examine the energy -industrial Geisel-Banzer agreement, signed in 1974, in the city of Cochabamba in Bolivia, in order to identify the main causes of its decline that led to the frustration of the ambitious integration process. The purpose of the two countries was the construction of an industrial center in the southeast region of Bolivia, financed by the Brazilian government, which, in exchange, would have the right to acquire part of that country's energy potential, especially natural gas. Based on this design, the research is divided into three chapters. In the first, it rescues topics of Brazilian foreign policy in the post-Second War that emphasized the primacy of the construction of the Brazilian industrial society, as well as the consequent demands for energy. Prioritizes, in subchapters, the analysis of Brazil in the Inter-American System (1945-1964); the conquest of the State in 1964 and its implications for foreign policy (integration and bilateral relations in the energy field); and the project “Brazil, a Great Power”: its emergence and sub-imperialism . The aim is to identify possible vices organically constructed by Brazilian politics and draw lessons that affected future initiatives aimed at regional integration. In the second, the Geisel era is presented, focusing on aspects of “Responsible Pragmatism”, the economic strategy of 1974 and the main challenge of his management: energy. Finally, the third chapter rescues the historical and contentious aspects of the Brazil-Bolivia relationship, notably marked by the negotiating presence of hydrocarbons: oil and gas, respectively. Soon after, the implications of the Roboré Agreement (1958) that contributed to its negative outcome and the interregnum of diplomatic negotiations (1972-1974), describing aspects that favored the signing of the Cochabamba Agreement and those that contributed to its failure .

The curiosity and the search for explanations of unknown phenomena is a trait present in a great part of the societies. Throughout human History, a vast number of thinkers, philosophers, scholars, religious people and even the “common people” asked themselves about the mystic, symbolic and natural elements of what they considered “wonderful.” The result is a substantial number, if not gigantic, of documents dwelling on the subject, in which are found written works, images, engravings and other accounts of all sorts, inspired by the mixed feeling of curiosity, wonder and even fear. In the present study, we analyze the book As Raridades da Natureza e da Arte, Divididas pelos Quatro Elementos, published in 1759 under de authorship of the Portuguese nobleman Pedro Norberto Aucourt e Padilha. It was published while the Lusitanian Kingdom faced changes in the intellectual and political scene, at the same time that they dealt with the social and material impact of the 1755 Lisbon Earthquake. This writer, which had already published other works, sought to compile some of the various accounts of the written and oral culture about monsters and wonders in one extensive work. While exploring the five hundred plus pages of the book, we seek to demonstrate not only the perspectives and discourses organized and written by the author. Our purpose is to understand how the tragedy of 1755, accompanied by the 18th century context that favored the study and the written culture, provided an increase in the interest of the Portuguese people to comprehend not only the marvelous and prodigious phenomena, but the organization and behavior of nature and the universe.

This dissertation aims to understand how the political culture of the military dictatorship era (1964-1985), with censorship, conservative modernization of the authoritarian regime, and the national-developmentist ideal impregnated in the filmmakers' perspective at the time of the first years in Brasília, influenced the production of films and the vision of these artists about the new capital. There is a theoretical debate among the main authors that will provide the basis and support for the arguments used in the dissertation, such as Michel de Certeau, Michel Foucault, and Stuart Hall. Based on this, it will be possible to understand the concept of systems of representation and how they are present in the narratives of the films about Brasília of that time ("Samba em Brasília," "Vestibular 70," and "Brasília Ano 10") and in the documents produced by the censors. Understanding how the dynamics between censors and censored artists and their artistic productions worked will be the guiding thread of the work since it will discuss the possible representations of what an ideal production about the new capital would be and what was considered a risky, "subversive" production, and how this is directly connected to a majority discourse about Brasília. The construction of these discourses about the capital will also be analyzed as a way of understanding why they arise and are important both for the Brazilian state and for the artistic producers of that time.

We carried out an analysis of the series of printed engravings, The Victories of Emperor Charles V. They were drawn by Maarten Van Heemskerck and Dirck Coornhert engraved them. This work was published three times, in 1556, 1558, and 1563 by the Antwerp printing house, Aux Quatre Vents, under the direction of Hieronymus Cock. The series is dedicated to Charles V's son and successor in the Netherlands, Philip II, and shows 12 of his accomplishments during his reign. According to our research findings, the engravings were based on the imperial repertory in order to create a triumph on six principles: mperium, translatio imperii, Holy Roman Empire, dynasty, war on unbelievers, and chivalry. We aimed to design the context/We attempted to establish the setting in which the construction of the printed material was validated. Therefore, we rely on the premise of communal production and the individual interaction of the network of printers' components with the senses moved by the series to accomplish this. At the same time, the effect of censorship, patronage, and antiquarianism of sculptures and sketches of ruins and buildings in Rome was accentuated in the establishment of space for print production and construction. The series was noticed to be in tune with the genre of triumph in the form of a rhetorical instrument based on a model representation of Carlist conquests that served as both an example to his successor and an assertion of his reign's legacy.

This dissertation aims to analyze and understand the cultural representations established in Taguatinga (DF) street markets and how they are responsible for building identities in the city's daily practices. These memory and affection relationships built in the space of the two fairs are also related to the process of occupation of Taguatinga (DF). The reflection on this theme will analyze the narrative of those who are part of Feira do Bicalho and QND (marketers and customers) with the aim of inscribing them within the process of historiographical writing. It is in this sense that Oral History is essential, where the speech of stallholders and regulars present different representations of the same space, the way in which they constitute and build their identities, showing what is significant to them. These interviewed stallholders are not observed separately from their environment, but are active agents and participants in an interview script that incorporates the experience. This more open methodology allows, through narrative, the search for details in the subjectivity of speech, which unfolds in other questions generating masses of memories that make up the analysis of this work, interpreting what was evoked at the time. And so, the uses of memory through Oral History allow access to the most sensitive dimensions of know-how, living and organizing the crafts that build the representations and self-representations of the stallholders. Based on the understanding that fairs are places of dense historical and social formations, encompassing a wide diversity of representations and identities, these processes are configured differently according to their local particularities and the cultural elements present there in the cities where they are installed. Therefore, since these two fairs in Taguatinga (DF) are formations based on different processes, which, like the other fairs in the Federal District, also need to be studied and represented under the narrative of the social actors that constitute them, they also open the possibility of understanding the formation of identities in these environments and how these individuals relate to the informality and occupation of public space in cities.

This work investigates The obsolescence of humans and the Theses for the Atomic Age, central writings in the work of Günther Anders, as part of the construction of a thought that seeks to analyze a new experience of time, coined in the possibilities of the end and extermination of the human species. Three axes concentrate these analyses: the proliferation of technical images, as a way of distancing humans from understanding their technologies; technological totalitarianism, seeking to show how distancing from this understanding leads to human obsolescence and totalitarian policies, which take advantage of the possible means for their overcoming; and, finally, an analysis of the possibilities of the temporal experience predisposed by Anders in the face of the Anthropocene. From these analyses, we seek to map images that define the experience of the end time and determine which imagination about the end is supported by them.

The creation of the figure of the "praças" in the Permanent Police Corps in the Empire had a clear objective: to maintain social order. The structuring of policing gained strength from 1831 with the establishment of the Municipal Permanent Corps and the process of creating penal and criminal codes. The aim of this research is to analyze the aspects of the lives of these workers, the praças, who served as frontline agents in policing the streets of the Court city between the years 1831 and 1850. Additionally, this study seeks to view the praças from a perspective that goes beyond seeing them merely as repressive apparatus of the state, but rather, to consider them as individuals with their own desires and aspirations, and to recognize their individualities.

This dissertation analyzes the text and the photographs in Tristes Tropiques (1955), with the aim of elucidating the discursive modalities that are articulated within it to account for Lévi-Strauss's experience with Brazilian indigenous peoples. Drawing from the tradition of the double livre in 20th-century French ethnology, the study seeks to address the construction of otherness in the book by exploring the use of poetic elements in scientific discourse, the question of authorship and subjectivity in autobiographical narratives, and the role of photographs in their relation to realism in anthropology. These mechanisms allow us to capture the functioning of a bricolage paradigm in Tristes Tropiques, operationalized by Lévi-Strauss under the tension between science and literature, with the purpose of synchronizing effects of presence and the expression of truth in contact with the other. 

The objective of the research is to analyze the chain of facts that led the United States to dictate an economic blockade against Cuba in 1962 and its political developments since, as well as to evaluate the reasons used for its imposition and permanence after the end of the Cold War. This paper was developed taking two periods into account: the democrat government of John Kennedy (1961-1963) and Bill Clinton (first term, 1993- 1997), both which differentiate themselves in relation to the international context (Cold War and the new world order post-1989), but do share the wish to provoke an economic collapse in the Caribbean country, to overthrown the regimen initiated after the Cuban Revolution. Despite having the same interest, these administrations stood out for different reasons: the Kennedy administration for declaring the blockade in the midst of the Cold War to contain the expansion of communism in the West, after Fidel Castro spoke about the socialist character of his Revolution; and Clinton’s first term for hardening the economic sanctions with the objective of transforming that Island into a liberal democracy just like the American democracy, after the end of communist scare with the USSR’s downfall. We sought to show that the relations between United States- Cuba are more complex and profound that just a mere misunderstanding between countries in the middle of the XX Century; these divergences had great influence in the American political actions on different periods, which led to the economic blockade. The hypothesis we approach is that, despite the justificative used to legitimate the blockade, the US government was always seeking out for a single objective, to overthrow Castro´s regime.

The present work was developed to understand the construction of the National Security Doctrine (NSD) and its operation within the institutions of the Brazilian state during the dictatorship, specifically within the surveillance institutions, when they began to persecute and catalog individuals labeled as subversives. This action, carried out by institutions through the National Security Doctrine, aimed to catalog potential insurgents who could pose a threat to the dictatorship, from the military's perspective, so they could be pursued if necessary. To do so, it was necessary to understand the origin of the NSD, which derived from the US strategy to deal with Latin America during the Cold War after the Cuban Revolution in 1959, when the Pentagon identified a new revolutionary modus operandi: guerrilla warfare. After recognizing this guerrilla strategy, it became evident that conventional warfare tactics were not the most suitable for dealing with the Americas. Thus, strategies involving psychological operations were employed to reinforce capitalist ideology in the region through coups and propaganda starting from 1960. However, to accomplish this, it was necessary to have knowledge of the region, and therefore, surveillance and information gathering became integral parts of the strategy, involving both military personnel in the region and intellectuals from American universities funded by the US military. The main outcome of these efforts to maintain capitalism in South America was the NSD, which entailed a complex surveillance apparatus spanning various state institutions, including the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Itamaraty), which extended this surveillance system beyond national borders. However, a diplomat would act on behalf of this dictatorial state, using the prerogatives of their informant role in a controversial manner.

This dissertation investigates the Brazilian Land Reform Association’s political behavior (ABRA) from 1967 until 1988. The ABRA was created in 1967 for middle class professionals who demanded the implementation of land reform policy in the country. Since your foundation until mid-1980s, the entity based your actions on advocacy in the Land Statute, legislation approved by the National Congress on November 30, 1964. However, during the works of the 1987-1988 National Constituent Assembly, change your position. The study explores if the change in policy position of the ABRA was due the necessity to created one more new land reform proposal, able to add the main policy actors and social defenders of the changes in the country’s land structure.

The objective of this work is to assess the Brazilian government role while acting as an informal emissary of the United States of America in its conflictious relations with Cuba in the timeframe of the Cuban Revolution and the Cold War. It highlights the good offices provided by João Goulart’s administration, between March and April of 1962, as a request from the U.S. president John Kennedy, on behalf of the non-execution of Brigade 2506 members - a group of Cuban exiles detained by the revolutionary government, the year prior, after the failed invasion of the Bay of Pigs. At the time, faced with imminent negative repercussions, both internally and externally, namely, the North American public opinion exasperation in favor of more aggressive initiatives by Washington against Havana, and, the consequent reinvigoration of conflicts with Moscow in other regions globally, the White House would mobilize efforts in order to avoid the contingent’s execution. Brazil was appealed as an effort once the country maintained a correct relationship with Cuba, as one may say, due to the ongoing Independent Foreign Policy and the principles that came with it and helped in the advocacy for the country's international position. In this regard, this dissertation proposes an analysis of the episode, associating it with the Brazilian diplomatic propositions to the Cold War, in conjunction to its foreign affairs and, especially, aiming national goals. Moreover, also suggests the examination when it comes to the effects of said mediation to the status of bilateral relations with the United States government with the context of divergences fostered by Brazilian foreign policy, in particular to the regards the position on the alleged Cuban issue.

The excursionist associations that emerged in the former capital of Brazil, the city of Rio de Janeiro, can be considered the spaces in which the organized mountaineering was developed and institutionalized in Brazil, even though they were not strictly performing mountaineering activities. These groups, mainly formed by an urban middle class, whose practice is directly related to exuberant natural environments, advocated in different moments for nature protection and conservation. This work presents how, both collectively and individually, the excursionists advocated and worked in favor of nature between the 1940s and 1960s. The first chapter aims to understand the foundation of excursionist associations as part of a broader historical process related to amateur sports and nationalism. In the same chapter, the approach and involvement of excursionist associations with public authorities, such as the Federal Forestry Council and the Federal Forestry Service, are explored. The following chapters address the development and the intensification of the relations between excursionists and conservationists, as well as the progressive assimilation of nature conservation in the institutional documents of the associations. The research examines the records of the excursionist associations' bulletins and widely-circulation newspapers. During the research, there were found plenty of evidence that the excursionists were aware of nature conservation ideas. Furthermore, there was an active dialogue and incorporation of these ideas into their educational processes.

With the assassination of Jorge Eliécer Gaitán on April 9, 1948, the political conflicts in Colombia of the previous decades manifested themselves with greater intensity throughout the national territory, originating an escalation in the armed confrontation between the two traditional parties, which would eventually become an authentic civil war that would be recognized as the era of Violence. From literature a response to this moment is given, with the origin of a set of literary works that address, explore, narrate and interpret the events of this period receiving the name of the Literature of Violence. In this investigation, we will analyze how a specific work La mala hora (1966) by Gabriel García Márquez came to dialogue with this convulsed context, since Gabo presented to the public a fiction based on verisimilitude, on the identification of a particular theme and on the need to express a problem widely recognized by the reading public, with which his literary construction in the course of time became the "truth". Taking into account the above, the objective of this dissertation is to answer the question: how did the literary work La mala hora, as an aesthetic object, become credible, operating as a representation that configures some kind of knowledge within the narrative proposal of the novel of Violence in Colombia? In order to understand violence not as the direct protagonist of the narrative, but as a specter in social and cultural life, as well as to understand the possible relations of tension, contradiction, rupture or complement between fiction and the historical events that occurred in Colombia between 1946 and 1958. For this purpose, we will rely on the contributions of cultural history and the epistemology of romance, emphasizing the study of representations and the construction of credibility.

The research entitled Jaboatão uprising: the participation of railway workers from Great Western of Brazil in the communist insurrection of 1935 aims to analyze the local/regional elements and the internal dynamics of these workers in the period delimited from the analysis of legal proceedings by the National Council of Labor and the National Security Court, in addition to the records of these workers at the Department of Political and Social Order and the news published in Diário de Pernambuco and Diário da Manhã, two Pernambuco newspapers with large circulation at the time. This is, therefore, a research proposal in the field of Social History of Work from the Thompsonian perspective of history from below, which also seeks to highlight the identities of these railway workers, their individual and collective experiences, their political and social organization and the reasons that led them to join the revolutionary attempt of 1935.

The preface historique of the Description de l’Egypte, written by Jean-Baptiste Joseph Fourier, although
mentioned in discussions on orientalism, did not have its historical narrative properly analyzed. The
objective of this dissertation is, by looking at the history of Egypt narrated in the preface, to understand
what tools were used to write it, to discover the links between this narrative and the imperialist efforts of
Napoleonic France, and to understand what Fourier sought to do or propose in your writing. It is
expected to demonstrate, through the analysis of its production, its narrative and the similarities and
differences of the preface with other contemporary historical narratives, that the preface must be
studied as a document that presents many other possibilities in addition to being the representation
writing of orientalist genesis.

In 1973, Isaiah Berlin (1909–1997) published an influential article entitled CounterEnlightenment, which has since been the subject of considerable academic debate. For Berlin, the Counter-Enlightenment is represented by authors who opposed the exegesis of reason and other universalist aspects propagated by Enlightenment philosophes. In this study, therefore, we investigated the conception of Counter-Enlightenment outlined by Berlin and its influence on historiography. Our main objective is to analyze how and for what reasons Isaiah Berlin united under this term authors as diverse as the Neapolitan Giambattista Vico (1688-1744), the French Joseph de Maistre (1753–1821) and the German Johann Hamann (1730–1788) and Johann Herder (1744–1803). Furthermore, the legacy of Berlin's work is perennial in historiography, although there are criticisms of his work. In this sense, we scrutinized the reception of Berlin's article in historiography through the analysis of books written on this topic and articles published in international academic journals. If, on the one hand, there are authors who defend Berlin's postulations, even criticizing his mistakes, on the other hand, there are historians who pragmatically move away from this conception and argue that the CounterEnlightenment did not even exist. Therefore, we will investigate the manifestations contrary to the Enlightenment that occurred in the 18th century, represented by authors who called themselves anti-philosophes. Thus, our objective is to understand the dimensions of Isaiah Berlin's text in understanding the variations around modernity and its respective influence on historiography regarding this theme. In order to achieve these objectives, we will use Isaiah Berlin's extensive bibliography and his letters as sources, in addition to all historiographical production.

This research aims to understand how historical knowledge occurs on the web by analyzing the practices that aim to confer authority to the knowledge produced and communicated in the digital space. To this end, we focus our investigation on three history forums within the Reddit platform: r/history, r/AskHistorians, and r/badhistory, between 2008 and 2018. We consider authority as a social and historical phenomenon that presupposes a hierarchical dissymmetry accepted by everyone in the relationship, functioning as a meta concept, which means assuming that authority relations cut across historical knowledge, the latter also being inseparable from social practice. Following authority relations, we first address the hierarchical architecture of discussion forums and the systems that preceded it in the digital space. Then, we move on to understand Reddit as a platform, focusing on the dynamics of its technical sociability and the emergence of subreddits. From there, we will proceed to a deeper discussion about the concept of authority, exploring its historicity and possible transformations when inserted in the digital space. In the end, we engage ourselves in explaining what would be the process that creates and legitimates authorities in the history subreddits through the investigation of three structures that underlie this process: the user profiles, the tools and systems that organize the conversations in the forums, and the rules that address issues of production and monitoring of historical knowledge. The research indicated the complexity and plurality of the concept of authority in the digital space, mainly when associated with the construction of knowledge, highlighting, in particular, the protagonism of executive and non-executive authorities, which manifest themselves as operative authorities, epistemic authorities, among many others, which are related at all times. In this scenario, the history subreddits, by stipulating such relations between epistemic and operative authorities for the production of knowledge, sought stability, security, and intelligibility in an environment known to be open, unstable and contradictory, defending the maintenance of good methodological and theoretical practices in the forums, adapting practices very similar to those that characterize the work of historians. This panorama highlights the creative character of the concept of authority, which starts from the known to create something new. The web's transformation in the construction of historical knowledge takes place in this process of (re)creation adapted to digital materiality. Therefore, the way historians contribute to the web conversation is as important as the content they contribute, bringing to light the construction of epistemic authority through the structure of argument within the digital space.

The thesis aimed to investigate, through narratives from oral history interviews, the trajectories of training and professionalization of four classical guitar teachers in music courses at Brazilian federal universities, between 1976 and 2023. Questioning the history of occupation of spaces by women in music at federal universities, in the second half of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century, this research addresses the stories that these professionals, currently retired, bring about themselves. Although the initial project focused on a trajectory of university life and teaching from an approach focused on gender discussions, this problematization was extended to reflections through cultural studies and feminist historiography. From the concept of culture as something common, that is, as a way of life from the perspective of Raymond Williams (2011, 2015), the understanding of music as a space for the affirmation of women, guitarists and university professors, research participants, was consolidated and allowed for more in-depth analyzes of the processes of democratization of teaching and training in the field of music, specifically the guitar. It is therefore considered that, more than learning a trade, access to music constitutes a social practice represented in the life trajectories and university teaching of the four guitarists. These reflections, based on feminist historiography, reflect the political importance of the writing of women's history(s) by Joan Scott (1990); Michelle Perrot (1995); Maria Izilda Matos (2013); Rachel Soihet (1997), from self-reported sources. Knowing the stories that four women, guitarists, university professors bring about themselves, represents a new knowledge and the occupation of a previously silenced space. The trajectories of Brazilian guitarists, although they have common meanings, bring unique aspects that make each narrative unique. This research is based on, in addition to oral sources, the personal collection of guitarists such as printed sources, newspaper and magazine reports, imagery sources – personal photographs, artistic productions such as audio recordings, CDs made available by the participants themselves

The present thesis intended to investigate the relationship between Machado de Assis and History, in view of its significance for the History of Brazilian Historiography. For this, I began by highlighting the subjective aspect and the limits of my interpretation, which is characterized by the adoption of a perspective that privileges the concept of transparency as a methodological resource. Based on evidence present throughout Machado's work, I tried to demonstrate that History has a constant presence in the life and work of the Bruxo of Cosme Velho, and this presence was perceived and analyzed in different ways by many scholars of his work. By the way, it was precisely these divergent interpretations added to the perception of an ambiguous treatment – positive/eulogistic X negative/insulting – given to History by Machado that made me reflect on the function and meaning of History in his work. And from this reflection, I found that, among the functions that History plays in Machado's work, that of promoting "historical distance" and, consequently, historical-cultural relativization, is perhaps the most important, because in the performance of this function it serves as a heuristic and critical tool. With regard to the meaning of History in Machado's work, I defend the idea that the ostensive and constant presence of History in the life and work of Machado de Assis, characterized by its pragmatic use, is closely related to the existence of a cynical view of the world and History. A vision acquired from Machado's transit through History and his knowledge of this philosophy, which, in my opinion, characterizes his work with that skeptical-pessimistic tone, expressed, most of the time, in an ironic way or in a serious-joking way.

After the administrative act of March 17, 1855, a small fishermen's village became the new administrative center of the Province of Sergipe under the discourse of modernity and progress. Despite the structural and sanitary problems that it had until the end of the 1800s, the newly created Aracaju town had to be, at the same time, the political and economic center that the province needed. Besides urban transformations and the composing of social, economic and political strategies, it is also important to investigate how historical agents dealt with death in this world, emphasizing the ancient conception of a good death and the necessary material and spiritual means to guaranteeing it, as well as identifying the insertion of new funeral customs for the Brazilian reality of the second half of the 19th century. Therefore, this research focuses on the study of funeral rites practiced by the Catholic and free population of Aracaju/SE and its term in a time of high-spirited discussions about the secularization and medicalization of death. The work aims at the period between the transfer of the capital from the Province of São Cristóvão to Aracaju (1855) and the last severe smallpox epidemic of the 19th century (1896). Based on dialogues from several types of primary sources (inventories, wills, letters, provincial reports, newspapers, death records) and specialized bibliography, we sought to analyze the practices and representations related to death in this specific context, as well as the historical changes that Aracaju society faced during that period.

The present thesis is dedicated to understanding the connections between the medical profession and the Paraguayan War, investigating the diversities, conflicts and negotiations that were consequences of the approximation of civil and military professional realities. The hypothesis is defended that the conflagration was an exceptional moment to understand about to be a doctor in Brazil in the second half of the 19th century, a period deeply influenced by the War. This war was characterized by diseases, especially those of an epidemic nature on and off the battlefield, as key elements to be considered in the strategies formulated by the State and other authorities, as illnesses were the main causes of losses due to debilitation or death. Combating and preventing casualties were urgent objectives of the Imperial Government, as they affected the march and success of the armies, overloaded the public coffers and stained the conception of an enlightened and progressive nation that was constantly erected by the Brazilian State that wanted to promote national sentiment, so fundamental to raising symbolic and effective support for its positions and undertakings with the Triple Alliance against Paraguay. The concern with health and hygiene in war was motivated by the danger they would represent to public order, if they were exported from the battlefield, also because the mobilization to the south to help the Allied forces significantly reduced the number of doctors who took care of teaching and clinical care in the country. This scenario, which had other problems such as recruitment difficulties and constant desertions, was used by the Brazilian medical class, which was formed as such, as an argument in favor of its professional corporation. At the same time that these subjects were affected by the struggle, which highlighted dilemmas faced since the period prior to it and, likewise, launched new questions that put their usefulness and authority at stake, they took advantage of it to prove them to the State and other social groups in order to be able to intervene in the relationships they maintained with them. The production of documents was a widely used and evident tactic of movements that were, in essence, plural. From the scrutiny of ministerial reports, medical journals and the mainstream press, letters, correspondence, reports and memoirs, an analysis is produced here aimed at understanding the many perplexities caused by the rise of a War that lasted longer than expected and brought together different professional social realities. The narrative presented here focuses on understanding the consequences arising from these approximations, situating them in relation to how this structure worked in the period prior to the event.

This thesis discusses the construction of the idea of violence in the writings and letters of the German theologian Thomas Müntzer (1489?-1525). It is commonplace, in the historiography concerning the religious, to describe him as the violent priest of the Reformation. Labeled as “the Satan of Allstedt” by Martin Luther (1483-1546), it is his participation in the Peasants' War leading rebels in Thuringia at the beginning of 1525 which is privileged in reinforcing his image as a “revolutionary” reformer. However, we will try to demonstrate that Müntzer proposed, between 1519 and 1525, through the constitution of a moral grammar, an inflection in the meaning of violence: killing priests and princes on the battlefield would not be violence because, in fact, it would be practiced against the “elect” through the “theft” and “impediment” of the “true faith”.

This Dissertation analyzes Brazil-Argentine relations during the governments of
Eurico Gaspar Dutra and Juan Domingo Perón, both who were elected in their countries as
part of re-democratization processes, through the perspective of the conservative-liberal
carioca press between 1946-1951. Making extensive use of primary sources it was possible
to observe the portrait painted by the conservative-liberals made of the Peronist Argentina.
The year of 1946 is symbolic for both south-American countries, which lived through the
dismantle of dictatorships, and for the international context of the post-World War II, when
the United States became an hegemonic power and Europe, in wreckage, left space for the
construction of bipolarity. In Brazil, in 1945, Getúlio Vargas was deposed and the Brazilians
elected one of his generals as president in the first free elections since 1930. In Argentina,
the GOU, in power since 1943, fell, Perón was democratically elected in 1946, and began to
weave the basis of Peronism and its Third Way, the Justicialismo applied to external politics.
Bilateral relations between Brazil and Argentina showed to be stable enough maintain a
certain balance despite the Argentine disagreements with the United States with whom Brazil
had an almost unconditional alignment, where the portenhos were the exception

The hegemonic historical narratives, often written by men, has silenced about the active roll of women on western society and estructural gender interactions, inside and beyound the private domain. Under the optics of Oral History, this dissertation intends to understand and explore the sociocultural behavior of peasant societies, from six peasant women’s perpective. They dwell at two peasant sattlements, Patrícia e Aparecida and Estrela da Lua, located at Brasília, Brazil; where the interviews took place. Due to ist specific features and content, Oral History sources imposed further thinking on aspects of peasant way of life, as land tenure conflicts and difficulties of habitual labor, greatly influenced by social class and gender aspects. Thus, the life experience of those women has contributed for a better understanding of rural settlements history, in Brasília-DF, Brazil; as well as brought light on structural gender relations on peasant societies from the past and the present days.

This research aims at reflecting upon varied forms of historical accounts, namely, those manifest in Brazilian comic films of various periods. The articulation proposed herein contemplates two filmic genres (the comedy and the historic film) as media capable of conveying images and messages akin to certain forms of historic apprehension. It is possible to reflect upon themes bearing on the History of Brazil which were elaborated upon in comedies in Brazilian cinematography. The concept of filmic genre and its ramifications point to the richness of what lies behind the historical model and its narrative possibilities when associated with comedy. Which perceptions of history are being conveyed in comedy and farce? What is the being laughed at as regards history in Brazilian cinema? These two questions governed this investigation. All the minutiae detailed in this web of possibilities reveal the complexity of the object so as to establish relations between comedy, cinema and history with a focus on the Brazilian cinematography. As for the sources elected, three films which challenge the conventions of the historical genre through comedy were analyzed, in which the rhetorical use of metalanguage is present: Carnaval Atlântida (1952, directed by José Carlos Burle), Ladrões de cinema (1977, directed by Fernando Coni Campos) and A primeira missa ou tristes tropeços, enganos e urucum (2014, directed by Ana Carolina Teixeira Soares). Not only to these films discuss history but also the conditions of Brazilian filmic production at the time of their footage. In these films, the connexions between the elements featuring in the public imaginary about Ancient Greece, the Mineira Inconfidence and the celebration of the first mass in Brazil, whose unavoidable reference is the 1861 painting by Victor Meirelles, are explored. Hayden White, Jacques Rancière, Hannu Salmi and Robert A. Rosenstone are among the authors offering insights into how to weave this theoretical proposal in which comic cinema is conceived of as a form of historical thought.

The present thesis examines how the dystopian imagination, in its feminist literary form, provides understanding on the concept and experience of time, making this form of thought a tool for the study of history. Thus, we analyzed the language used by the authors of three dystopian feminist novels to translate into writing the experience of time, with figures of language and analogies that transform women's bodies into vectors and loci for experiencing time. The three works were selected because they fit into the genre of literary dystopias (with feminist outlines) as well as have female authorship. They also have in common plots that stem from the issue of sexual and reproductive control of women, an element of the story that highlights the presence of female bodies in the creation of the narratives. The three books (Red Clocks, by Leni Zumas, 2018; Future Home of the Living God, Louise Erdrich, 2017; When She Woke, Hillary Jordan, 2011) are relatively recent works, published in the second decade of the 21st century, and all three are set in the USA. By studying three literary pieces, it was possible to identify a peculiar way of temporalizing time – i.e., the transformation of time into temporalities – which points to a gendered experience of time, that is, an experience of time imbued with matters of gender. From this perspective, we understood that the writing of the body is a way of transporting forms of apprehension and interpretation of time to the text, making literary dystopia, therefore, an exercise in the understanding of time and temporalities. In such a way, the research also indicated that writing is a methodological resource and is part of the formulation of a logic, of the development of a proposition. The present thesis is, in such a manner, an exercise on the theory that dystopia is a noteworthy tool for history when it comes to the interpretation of time, a fundamental element of our discipline.

The present study proposes to historicize the itineraries of Antonio Carlos Ribeiro de AndradaMachado e Silva, in order to redo the paths taken by him and to understand how did he becomesuch an important leader in the political emancipation process in Brazil. On this historicizationexercise, we have looked into both the ascending strategies of the Andrada family on the village ofSantos and the intellectual academic formation of Antonio Carlos on the framework of theportuguese ilustrated reformism. Furthermore, the controversial experience of the Andrada on thecontext of colonial and judiciary administration was here scrutinized, with all due regard to hisparticipation in the Pernambuco Revolution of 1817. At last we did analyze his performance asdeputy on both brazilian and overseas constituent experiences: the Constituent Cortes of 1821-1822 and the Constituent Assembly of 1823. On these itineraries, a constitutionalist ideology and anativist anti-portuguese passion were strongly present, guiding Andrada’s combative and fierystatements.

This thesis has as its theme to investigate how UFOs (unidentified flying objects) mobilized the Armed Forces, the State and Brazilian society. In order to better clarify the research proposal, we will present a balance of the current state of the art of academic research related to the topic, with the aim of highlighting an integrative epistemological proposal. In addition, in the form of a thematic and introductory research, we will present a chronological research of the Brazilian Air Force sources present in the “UFO fund” of the National Archives, by highlighting the central aspects of an institutional political history, in a long-term perspective. Continuing with these introductory studies, we will emphasize the central aspects of the first military sources on UFOs that occurred during the Second World War, opening space, then, for an investigation of the historical context present in the emergence of the “flying saucers” as a modern cultural entity in 1947 in the USA. On the other hand, in Brazil, we will discuss how the press, the State and the Armed Forces dealt with the most relevant cases of the 1950s, in view of the special power of the press in creating false scenarios about flying saucers, photographs that mobilized the entire national society. We will then discuss how during the early years of the space race and at the height of atomic testing, UFO-related events came to include disparate situations such as “alien abduction” and “contact experiences”, going far beyond mere UFO sightings in the skies. Therefore, the research will highlight the story of the “first Brazilian contactee”, a writer who led a sect that associated flying saucers with biblical events and the Cold War. In this case, we will highlight his special relationship as a government informant, in addition to executing atypical psychological warfare operations, in the form of false flag terrorist attacks, events that took place in the troubled period that preceded the de facto dictatorial regime, on December 13, 1968. Finally, the research will open space for possible connections between the events investigated in the chapters, under the prism of concepts such as “cultural manipulation”, “creation of false scenarios” and “psychological warfare” etc. In addition, the cases and arguments presented throughout the thesis will now be inserted into a comprehensive reflection, counting on theoretical contributions from the current state of the art of specialized research on the subject, in view of the possible contributions that this study has to offer to human sciences.

The aim of this doctoral thesis is to investigate how the role of troubadour in D. Dinis is associated with the exercise of political power. To this end, we also seek to understand how historiography has approached the relationship between troubadourism and politics in the Middle Ages; how the ideal of courtly love elaborated a representation of feudal-vassal relations; which social groups are represented in the songs in Dionysian times; how music influences the mediation and elaboration of the troubadour discourse; and how the performance of the songs acts as a discourse-action of the king and the nobility. The poetic song is based on the feudal and courtly symbolic forms that order medieval society. However, in the act of performance, these forms take on a circumscribed and conditional character that involves the distinct interests of the groups that make up the court. The stage of troubadourism becomes a place of political compositions, where dissonances and consonances are put into action in the songs of troubadours and minstrels. We believe, then, that it is possible to recognize in the songs a form of political action in which, through his songs, D. Dinis says justice, seeks echoes in the nobles and clerics who support him, and promotes values and social models